Monday, February 28, 2011

The State of Exception: Another Chronicle in the 'Bare Life' of Farm Workers?

Moderator's Note: We present an active link to a petition targeting James P. Willet (San Joaquin County District Attorney). The petition was started by the UNITED FARM WORKERS NATIONAL UNION AFL-CIO with the following narrative:

We need your help. Quickly. I'm sure you remember the horrific story of 17-year old Maria Isabel Vasquez Jimenez who died of heat stroke in 2008 while laboring in the scorching grape vineyards near Stockton. Her body temperature reached 108.

Maria's death is so hard to accept, because it didn’t need to happen. The labor contractors did not even observe the most basic heat laws. This was not a onetime occurrence. In 2006, Merced Farm Labor was fined for failure to have a written heat stress prevention plan and training for workers. They never paid the fine.


Maria's family has come to us asking for our help. Won't you please help them? The family tells us, and newspaper reports confirm, that a plea deal has been made. This deal would reportedly allow the farm labor contractor and safety supervisor, who were originally charged with involuntary manslaughter, to plea to lesser charges when the case goes to a judge for sentencing on March 9th. This plea deal could let the accused go without even jail time, possibly with just community service.

Doroteo Jimenez, the uncle of Maria Isabel told us, "When I heard that they might get community service hours, I wanted to cry. After everything, this is what they get? They might as well have let them go from the beginning. Both of them are responsible for Maria's death and both should do time in jail." Maria's family takes offense to defense attorney Randy Thomas' quote in the Sacramento Bee:

There will be some guilty pleas, but the consequences will be bearable…Enough time has elapsed and everyone needs to move along with their lives. My clients are very, very nice people and very remorseful."  

Doroteo points out, "If it was their family, they wouldn't want to move on. They aren't taking this seriously because they don't know what the life of a farm worker is like. They have comfortable jobs. They don't know what it's like to work in the fields.

Please send an e-mail immediately and tell the District Attorney, James Willett, not to set a precedent that farm workers' lives are unimportant. There must be serious consequences. Tell him that jail time is a must and nothing short of that will satisfy the family or the public.


Petitions by Change.org|Start a Petition »

We endorse this petition and strongly urge our followers and visitors to sign and distribute this important call for justice for farm worker families. We can no longer allow the state of exception to treat immigrant workers as expendable life. No one is a Homo sacer; no one is illegal; no one is an alien. We are all human beings; we are all bodies, each with political and legal rights to life and liberty regardless of citizenship status, occupation, educational attainment, national origin, gender,  race, age, or sexuality.

Saturday, February 26, 2011

GEO Watch: Update on Dr. Huber's Letter


Is Huber Letter a Fraud?

The controversy surrounding Dr. Huber's letter to the USDA, calling for a ban on glyphosate applications and a rescinding of the approval of Monsanto's GE alfala, is heating up. There are now claims circulating on the internet that the good Professor's letter is a fraud.

The source of this claim is unknown but the fuel was provided by one of Dr. Huber's former colleagues at Purdue University, Dr. Peter Goldsbrough. Professor Goldsbrough claims he does not know of any other scientists that have reported finding the alleged new micro-organism mentioned in Dr. Huber's letter. Efforts to contact Dr. Huber have failed and the authenticity of the letter has not been confirmed or rejected.

What is being lost in this current frenzy is that the only thing being challenged is the issue of the newly discovered and unnamed micro-organism. No one is challenging any of the other claims made in the letter including reference to scientific studies demonstrating that glyphosate applications have cumulative negative impacts on soil ecology and increased incidents of plant pathology.

I have carefully read the peer-reviewed scientific papers that Dr. Huber has published on glyphosate herbicide treatments. These papers confirm all of the allegations made in the letter except for the issue of the new micro-organism allegedly implicated in spontaneous abortions among mammalian species.

The peer-reviewed scientific papers confirm that sustained application of Roundup and other glyphosate herbicides is harmful to soil biota and to plants. No one is contesting these results.

Obviously, defenders of the herbicide protocol machine will claim that is precisely the point - to kill the weeds. But studies demonstrate that herbicides harm wild and beneficial companion plants and not just 'weeds,' and may also harm cultivars by making transgenic crops more susceptible to a wide range of micro-pathogens. This has nothing to do with the killing effectiveness of herbicides against weeds, the growing resistance of the common Lambs quarters notwithstanding. This has to do with the much more serious problem of the massive disturbance of complex soil biota relationships and resulting poorer crop health related to the cumulative effects of reduced biodiversity characteristic of herbicide-dependent agroecosystems.

The results still provide a solid scientific basis for a total ban on future use of glyphosate herbicides and a rescinding of the USDA's approval of the Roundup Ready alfalfa developed by Monsanto. The issue of the new organisms is irrelevant. Herbicide applications over the years damage soil ecology and increase plant diseases. This is not an allegation but a proven scientific fact.

We will keep monitoring the issue until it is resolved one way or the other. If Huber's letter is a fake, we will stand by our call for a ban based on all of the other proven and peer-reviewed scientific evidence that indicates glyphosate is dangerous to soil and plant health.

For one of the peer reviewed scientific papers prepared by Dr, Huber, please follow the link below. Again, this paper verifies many of the claims made in the letter with the exception of the issues surrounding the alleged discovery of a new unnamed micro-organism.

Go to: Dr. Huber's paper, "Ag Chemical and Crop Nutrient Interactions: Current Update."

Thursday, February 24, 2011

GEO Watch: Dr. Huber's Letter

Moderator's Note: We are posting the complete text of the letter submitted by Dr. Don Huber to the USDA objecting to the recent approval of commercial transgenic alfalfa and continued used of all glyphosate treatments. Dr. Huber is calling for a complete ban on the use of the herbicide glyphosate which is implicated as a factor in the rise of a dangerous new and unnamed microorganism.  See blog of February 23 for more information and excerpts from a recent interview with Dr. Huber.

 

The letter to the USDA from Professor Huber


Dear Secretary Vilsack:

A team of senior plant and animal scientists have recently brought to my attention the discovery of an electron microscopic pathogen that appears to significantly impact the health of plants, animals, and probably human beings. Based on a review of the data, it is widespread, very serious, and is in much higher concentrations in Roundup Ready (RR) soybeans and corn — suggesting a link with the RR gene or more likely the presence of Roundup. This organism appears NEW to science!

This is highly sensitive information that could result in a collapse of US soy and corn export markets and significant disruption of domestic food and feed supplies. On the other hand, this new organism may already be responsible for significant harm (see below). My colleagues and I are therefore moving our investigation forward with speed and discretion, and seek assistance from the USDA and other entities to identify the pathogen’s source, prevalence, implications, and remedies.

We are informing the USDA of our findings at this early stage, specifically due to your pending decision regarding approval of RR alfalfa. Naturally, if either the RR gene or Roundup itself is a promoter or co-factor of this pathogen, then such approval could be a calamity. Based on the current evidence, the only reasonable action at this time would be to delay deregulation at least until sufficient data has exonerated the RR system, if it does.

For the past 40 years, I have been a scientist in the professional and military agencies that evaluate and prepare for natural and manmade biological threats, including germ warfare and disease outbreaks. Based on this experience, I believe the threat we are facing from this pathogen is unique and of a high risk status. In layman’s terms, it should be treated as an emergency.

A diverse set of researchers working on this problem have contributed various pieces of the puzzle, which together presents the following disturbing scenario:

Unique Physical Properties

This previously unknown organism is only visible under an electron microscope (36,000X), with an approximate size range equal to a medium size virus. It is able to reproduce and appears to be a micro-fungal-like organism. If so, it would be the first such micro-fungus ever identified. There is strong evidence that this infectious agent promotes diseases of both plants and mammals, which is very rare.

Pathogen Location and Concentration

It is found in high concentrations in Roundup Ready soybean meal and corn, distillers meal, fermentation feed products, pig stomach contents, and pig and cattle placentas.

Linked with Outbreaks of Plant Disease

The organism is prolific in plants infected with two pervasive diseases that are driving down yields and farmer income — sudden death syndrome (SDS) in soy, and Goss’ wilt in corn. The pathogen is also found in the fungal causative agent of SDS (Fusarium solani fsp glycines).

Implicated in Animal Reproductive Failure

Laboratory tests have confirmed the presence of this organism in a wide variety of livestock that have experienced spontaneous abortions and infertility. Preliminary results from ongoing research have also been able to reproduce abortions in a clinical setting.

The pathogen may explain the escalating frequency of infertility and spontaneous abortions over the past few years in US cattle, dairy, swine, and horse operations. These include recent reports of infertility rates in dairy heifers of over 20%, and spontaneous abortions in cattle as high as 45%.

For example, 450 of 1,000 pregnant heifers fed wheatlege experienced spontaneous abortions. Over the same period, another 1,000 heifers from the same herd that were raised on hay had no abortions. High concentrations of the pathogen were confirmed on the wheatlege, which likely had been under weed management using glyphosate.

Recommendations

In summary, because of the high titer of this new animal pathogen in Roundup Ready crops, and its association with plant and animal diseases that are reaching epidemic proportions, we request USDA’s participation in a multi-agency investigation, and an immediate moratorium on the deregulation of RR crops until the causal/predisposing relationship with glyphosate and/or RR plants can be ruled out as a threat to crop and animal production and human health.

It is urgent to examine whether the side-effects of glyphosate use may have facilitated the growth of this pathogen, or allowed it to cause greater harm to weakened plant and animal hosts. It is well-documented that glyphosate promotes soil pathogens and is already implicated with the increase of more than 40 plant diseases; it dismantles plant defenses by chelating vital nutrients; and it reduces the bioavailability of nutrients in feed, which in turn can cause animal disorders. To properly evaluate these factors, we request access to the relevant USDA data.

I have studied plant pathogens for more than 50 years. We are now seeing an unprecedented trend of increasing plant and animal diseases and disorders. This pathogen may be instrumental to understanding and solving this problem. It deserves immediate attention with significant resources to avoid a general collapse of our critical agricultural infrastructure.

Sincerely,

COL (Ret.) Don M. Huber
Emeritus Professor, Purdue University
APS Coordinator, USDA National Plant Disease Recovery System (NPDRS)

Wednesday, February 23, 2011

GEO Watch: Update on Roundup Herbicide and Transgenic Alfalfa - Timely Matter

Moderator's Note: We are posting excerpts this important interview with Dr. Don Huber who has prepared and circulated a letter to the Obama Administration objecting to USDA approval of commercial transgenic alfalfa. Dr. Huber is also calling for a complete ban on the use of the herbicide glyphosate which is implicated as a factor in the rise of an alleged new dangerous and still unnamed microorganism. The principal objections made by Dr. Huber rely on solid scientific research demonstrating that the transgenic varieties of soy, corn, canola, and now alfalfa (with their implicit glyphosate-related allelopathic dynamics) are implicated in more than 40 plant diseases and the proliferation of new soil pathogens. The Obama Administration's Agriculture Secretary is behaving like Governor Walker in Wisconsin and dictatorially ignoring the overwhelming farmer and public opposition to this decision while pandering to the richest biotechnology interests in the country.

Please forward and write President Obama and ask him to rethink the approval of GEO alfalfa. We acknowledge and gratefully thank Professor Ann Anagnost of the University of Washington for bringing Dr. Huber's Letter to our attention. The Huber interview was first posted by Dave Wetzel on a WAPF forum. 
It is well documented that glyphosate promotes soil pathogens and is already implicated with the increase of more than 40 plant diseases; it dismantles plant defenses by chelating vital nutrients; and it reduces the bioavailability of nutrients in feed, which in turn can cause animal disorders...

- Dr. Don Huber


Dr. Don Huber Sounds Alarm to USDA 

WHILE INSISTING HE DOES NOT WANT to be an alarmist, one of the nation's senior soil scientists is alerting the federal government to a newly discovered organism that may have the potential to cause infertility and spontaneous abortion in farm animals and, potentially, humans.

Dr. Don Huber, professor emeritus at Purdue University, believes the appearance and prevalence of the unnamed organism may be related to the nation's over reliance on the weed killer known as Roundup. In a letter to Secretary of Agriculture Tom Vilsack, obtained by SafeLawns, the professor is calling on the federal government to immediately rescind the Jan. 27th decision to allow genetically modified alfalfa to be released to farmers this spring.

"A team of senior plant and animal scientists have recently brought to my attention the discovery of an electron microscopic pathogen that appears to significantly impact the health of plants, animals and probably human beings," wrote Huber in the letter, which is quoted here with his permission. "Based on a review of the data, it is widespread, very serious, and is in much higher concentrations in Roundup Ready (RR) soybeans and corn suggesting a link with the RR gene, or more likely the presence of Roundup. This organism appears NEW to science!"

In a phone interview today, Huber said he was assured that the United States Department of Agriculture was taking his letter seriously yet he remained deeply pessimistic that his warnings would ultimately lead to affirmative action.

"I believe we've reached the tipping point toward a potential disaster with the safety of our food supply," he said. "The abuse, or call it over use if you will, of Roundup, is having profoundly bad consequences in the soil. We've seen that for years. The appearance of this new pathogen may be a signal that we've gone too far."

Huber also admitted that he could be wrong about this pathogen's link to Roundup, but said that much further study is needed for that final assessment. In the meantime, he said, it's grossly irresponsible of the government to allow Roundup Ready alfalfa, which would bring the widespread spraying of Roundup to millions of more acres and introduce far more Roundup into the food supply.

"For the past 40 years, I have been a scientist in the professional and military agencies that evaluate and prepare for natural and manmade biological threats, including germ warfare and disease outbreaks," wrote Huber in his letter to Vilsack. "Based on this experience, I believe the threat we are facing from this pathogen is unique and of high-risk status. In layman's terms, it should be treated as an emergency."

Huber explained that the search for the new pathogen was instigated by the increase of cattle infertility and unexplained cases of spontaneous abortion in several Western states in the past several years. The common denominator, he said, appears to be the prevalence of the new pathogen that can only be viewed at 36,000 times magnification.
'
Fears were increased when this pathogen was also found in mothers who had recently miscarried. "That suggests the potential that the pathogen entered the mother in the food supply," said Huber today. "Could it be from contaminated plants or animals? We don't know that answer yet, but surely more resources from the government need to be put into answering that question."

And, in the meantime, any new additional uses of Roundup should be made illegal, according to Huber and his collaborators.

"The organism is prolific in plants infected with two pervasive diseases that are driving down yields and farmer income with sudden death syndrome (SDS) in soy, and Goss' wilt in corn," he said. "The pathogen is also found in the fungal causative agent of SDS (Fusarium solani fsp glycines). Laboratory tests have confirmed the presence of this organism in a wide variety of livestock that have experienced spontaneous abortions and infertility. Preliminary results from ongoing research have also been able to reproduce abortions in a clinical setting."

Huber, a retired military Colonel, closed his letter to Vilsack by imploring the government to commit the resources necessary to find definitive answers. 

"It is urgent to examine whether the side effects of glyphosate use may have facilitated the growth of this pathogen, or allowed it to cause greater harm to weakened plant and animal hosts. It is well documented that glyphosate promotes soil pathogens and is already implicated with the increase of more than 40 plant diseases; it dismantles plant defenses by chelating vital nutrients; and it reduces the bioavailability of nutrients in feed, which in turn can cause animal disorders. . . (The pathogen) deserves immediate attention with significant resources to avoid a general collapse of our critical
agricultural infrastructure." 

We will shortly post a copy of Dr. Huber's letter. This information needs to be "out there" for the public to become aware of the dangers.

Student Blog III: In Defense of McDonald’s


Moderator's Note: This is the third entry in a series of blogs written by students in my University of Washington courses. I am teaching two courses this Winter 2011 Quarter: Comparative Social Movements: Mexico and the United States and a seminar on Food Sovereignty. The third contribution in the series is from a student in the social movements course, Alison Jenson. In this entry, the author argues that McDonalds is undertaking efforts to locally source some of its products. Specifically, the fast food giant has initiated a campaign in the Pacific Northwest to purchase all of its potatoes from local and regional farms. Ms. Jenson argues that we should not view this as insincere or strictly profiteering.
 
Now you can grow your own potatoes, and eat them too*
*At participating Washington State McDonalds
Alison Jenson
The last time I ate a McDonald’s hamburger was in June 2007 in Versailles, France. I can almost guarantee the beef in my burger was not from a farm just outside of Paris nor was the lone tomato on my burger picked ripe from a vine in Lyon. Three years and 5,000 miles later, I read a cone wrapper that told me the soft-serve ice cream I just enjoyed was made with milk from my very own state - Washington. I consider myself a moderate locavore and was relieved to know that my indulgence had benefited a local dairy farm. I immediately called my dad (who attends 3 out of the 4 farmers markets in Tacoma on a weekly basis) to tell him of McDonald’s impressive campaign. My dad told me many of McDonald’s distributors happen to be in Washington State and they had just noticed. Washington is, in fact, the only state in which this campaign exists.
            About a year ago, western Washington McDonald’s focus groups questioned where their food came from (Spiegel). After minimal research, McDonald’s released these surprising statistics:
  • 95% of the French fries and hash browns are from Washington-grown potatoes
  • 88% of the apples are Washington-grown
  • 99% of the glasses of milk served are from the Northwest
  • 95% of the fish is from Northwestern and Alaskan waters
These statistics were closely followed by a new ad campaign and a “From Here” section on their website. Wrappers and placemats flaunt the “localness” of bits and pieces of their products.   
The blog slashfood.com had a post that aimed to debunk the significance of these claims. Washington is the second biggest exporter of potatoes in the country and “Nationally 18 percent of McDonald's French fries and hash browns came from Washington state potatoes in 2009.” Most of the milk McDonald’s uses is from Darigold, “a Northwest cooperative of more than 500 dairies” (Spiegel).
The website brandweek.com also questions McDonald’s legitimacy by analyzing the disclaimer found at the bottom of billboards: “Participation and duration may vary” (Cullers). The term “local-washing” is being used to describe McDonald’s utilization of a popular move to “go local” when the company cannot back its claims. “Local-washing” is a play on “green-washing” which, of course, is a play on “white-washing.” Ejfood has covered “local-washing” before in the Walmart and Food Sovereignty post. Just because a corporation begins to sell local produce, does not mean food sovereignty is being achieved. McDonald’s is still a global company; still driven by an international market.
       A common complaint on blogs is the issue of the undefined local-source standards. Findings: there are none.  There is no government standard for what is considered “local.” The only definition to be found was established by Chipotle Mexican Grill, which aimed to increase local produce to 50% by 2010 as part of the ‘Food with Integrity’ program. Their standard was that “local” could include anything within 250 miles of its distribution centers (Cullers). Now, 250 miles is a long way but it is significantly better than the average 1,500 miles travel distance from origin to consumer (Cullers). A Chipotle billboard touted the tag-line: “Served in Seattle, Grown in Pasco.” Pasco is more than 200 miles away from Seattle. This is considered “local” by Chipotle’s standards, but Bnet.comfact-sheet, 95 percent of Filet-O-Fish sandwiches come from the Pacific Northwest. Most of the salmon fished in the Pacific Northwest comes from Alaska, which is definitely not local. questions how “local” 200 miles is. The most questionable “local” claim is the fish. According to McDonald’s local
            I would argue that McDonald’s is not pleasing locavores with this campaign. Bnet.com calls for an established standard. “It also might be time for McDonald’s, Chipotle and others to band together to try to push for national standards, too. If the companies want to make bought-local claims that enhance their reputations rather than inviting criticism, standards would help” (Tice). Even with an established standard, those of us who religiously go to farmer’s markets are not going to begin ditching fresh produce for Big Macs. There are some advantages to McDonald’s campaign, however.
            Big Companies like McDonald’s and Chipotle are finally recognizing food sovereignty as an important issue. Although McDonald’s will forever remain an international corporation, it is realizing the benefits (even if solely financial) of buying local goods. Those who claimed they couldn’t afford to be a locavore in the past now see McDonald’s selling the same cheap food, but with local ingredients. Perhaps they will be encouraged to find more cheap, local goods in other places.
            Social movements usually begin with a small group. In the case of buying local, many local farmers and consumers have been practicing locavorism for many years. They have been waiting for a new paradigm in relation to local foods. While none of us agree that McDonald’s is a completely selfless corporation, it may be the game-changing entity locavores have been waiting for. Local farmers don’t have the funds or resources that McDonald’s has. If farmers want to advertise a farmer’s market, it may take many farmers to fund and produce a mere sandwich board. McDonald’s, on the other hand, has billboards every five miles. If every five miles advertises local crops, the paradigm will begin to shift. Farmers could ultimately benefit from McDonald’s campaign.
            So let’s not regard McDonald’s efforts as insincere or strictly profiteering. Instead, let’s embrace this campaign and continue to emphasize the importance of buying local. Farmers and locavores should advertise as such: “There is local [McDonald’s] and then there is TRUE local [local farms]. Buy TRUE local. Buy local.” 
WORKS CITED
Cullers, Rebecca. "McDonald's Touts Locally Sourced Food." BrandWeek 23 Jul 2010: n. pag. Web. 18 Feb 2011. <http://www.brandweek.com/bw/content_display/news-and-features/food-beverage/e3i3639278d2189e4efe9537461574e2a6f?imw=Y>.
McDonalds.com. N.p., 2010. Web. 18 Feb 2011. <http://www.mcdonalds.com/fromhere>.
Spiegel, Jan Ellen. “McDonald’s Touting Locavore Cred?” Slashfood. 30 JUL 2010. 18 FEB 2011. <http://www.slashfood.com/2010/07/30/mcdonalds-from-here-promotion/>.
Tice, Carol. "Why McDonald’s New “We-Buy-Local” Ad Campaign Could Backfire." Bnet. 26 Jul 2010: n. pag. Web. 18 Feb 2011. <http://www.bnet.com/blog/retail-stores/why-mcdonald-8217s-new-8220we-buy-local-8221-ad-campaign-could-backfire/932>. 

Saturday, February 19, 2011

Toward an Environmental Justice Act?


 partisan politics & neoliberal ideology
trump ecological democracy

Over the past two and a half decades environmental justice activists have tried to address the limits and contradictions of liberal democratic approaches to the protection of our most vulnerable communities. We have danced with the state but have also come to recognize how the existing framework for proactive transformational action is limited by the regulatory apparatus established by former President Bill Clinton through Executive Order 12898

While E.O. 12898 proved useful to imaginative movement organizations and communities seeking to address the legacies and continued challenges of environmental racism, the status of the framework as an Executive Order also limited prospects for genuinely transformational change. It now seems clear that this is not the best framework to sustain our movement's political influence, scientific efficacy, and mobilizing capacity. 

This essay charts the limits and contradictions of Executive Order 12898, summarizes prior efforts at legislating environmental justice, and closes with an analysis of the prospects and possible orientations of a new federal law for environmental justice.

Limits and contradictions of Executive Order 12898

The prelude to the Executive Order involved a sustained national activist campaign that started in 1990 and culminated with the appointment of Dr. Robert D. Bullard and Rev. Benjamin Chavis to serve on the Clinton Transition Team's Natural Resources Cluster in 1992. These activists paved the way to the formulation of 12898 and the formalization of the role of the National Environmental Justice Advisory Council (NEJAC). Deeohn Ferris played a pivotal role by working to organize national grassroots input channeled to the Clinton-Gore Transition Team. 

All of the existing EJ networks played vital roles in this movement for federal action and the "Earth Day Letter" drafted in April 1990 was especially important and influential in setting the stage for the Transition Team. Throughout 1991, the Southwest Network for Environmental and Economic Justice (SNEEJ) staged demonstrations at the Environmental Protection Agency as part of its EPA Accountability Project and this greatly augmented the political forces pushing for Clinton's Executive Order. William Reilly, as Director under the first President Bush, led the EPA's response to this growing activism by establishing the Office of Environmental Justice. The first NEJAC was convened in 1993 after Clinton stepped into the White House. 

Clinton's Executive Order surely built on these ad hoc accommodations by systematically transforming the organization of the EPA and ultimately redefining the principles that guided subsequent rule-making and actionable policies across all Cabinet-level Departments.  Further development of EJ policies actually limited the movement by imposing a commitment to standard (qua hegemonic) market-steered metrics that remained profoundly wed to a neoliberal regime that tends to make decisions based solely on quantitative cost-benefit analysis, albeit now projected unto layer upon layer of GIS polygons of one sort or another (e.g., cumulative risk polygons).

The administrative culture of the EPA has for too long been governed by leadership plagued by an unstated acquiescence to the rationality of neoliberal behavioral economics and a relapse into a "cult of scientific expertise." In this 'insider/expert' organizational culture, the EPA historically has been unwilling and unable to make wise use of the constantly evolving innovative methods for the interdisciplinary scientific assessment of risks and their impacts on human and ecosystem health and community resilience.

People's knowledge of the environment and the scientific fields of ethnoecology have been and continue to be marginalized and disqualified especially in decision-making phases. Yet, any understanding of risk communication must first be grounded in an understanding of perceptions of risk. These are widely varying depending on socioeconomic and demographic factors such as class position, gender, age, educational attainment, and ethnicity, race, or national origin. The cultural and ecological knowledge that may underlie a community's perceptions of risk cannot be understood or mobilized as part of the decision-making process without the integration of qualitative methods ranging from ethnographic inquiries to topistics and cognitive mapping.  

It bears noting that the EPA has been unwilling to critically re-examine the ethics underlying these long-entrenched policy worldviews and adherence to reductionist scientific research procedures that marginalize other forms of knowledge and data sources. From the end of Clinton's last year in office (2001) through the beginning of the Obama Administration (2009), the EPA failed to fully realize the integration of more nuanced and finely-filtered models of cumulative risk into the regulatory practices and guidelines for the conduct of environmental impact studies and other activities related to risk characterization, management [sic], and mitigation. 

Bush II's policy of benign neglect did nothing to advance the remaking of risk science in the EPA and its hide-bound quantitative and reductionist organizational culture. This was the ultimate and most easily overlooked of the original criticisms made by the environmental justice movement in 1990-92 against racism in the ranks of the EPA itself.

Under Director Lisa Jackson since 2009, the EPA has taken some steps toward rethinking the scientific modeling used in the agency's risk characterization and management practices. Issues related to structural violence and intergenerational historical trauma, for example, are important new avenues that could help establish a more democratic, participatory, and holistic application of risk science. The re-activating of the Interagency Working Group on Environmental Justice is another positive development since it extends and sustains discussion and coordinated action among all the Cabinet-level Departments.

But therein lays our principal problem with E.O. 12898. The limited discretionary administrative powers of the Executive Order in this case are strictly limited to a politics that can only address the mitigation of environmental harms and risks, regardless of the party in charge. The system is basically designed to try and clean up pollution and other ecological damages after they occur. Industry must have its privilege of profit-making protected; cleaning up and repairing the damage to the air, water, land, people, and all other living organisms is second. 

Environmental justice principles call for the prevention of pollution, detoxification and containment at the point of production, rather than mitigation after the fact. There are no externalities in any true cost accounting and we must make a transition to more robust and honest modes of 'cost-benefit' analysis that forbid the  'discounting' of the environmental and public health harms caused by private investment decisions. Environmental justice seeks a transition to a non-toxic sustainable industrial ecology in which capital cannot externalize its costs unto people or the environment.

Thus, from the outset E.O. 12898 was incompatible with the sort of ecological politics implied by the Sixth Principle of Environmental Justice. As a movement, by dancing with the neoliberal state, we may have succumbed to two decades of betrayal of this foundational movement principle.
Principle 6 - Environmental Justice demands the cessation of the production of all toxins, hazardous wastes, and radioactive materials, and that all past and current producers be held strictly accountable to the people for detoxification and the containment at the point of production.
In the end, whatever the limits and contradictions of the Executive Order, ultimately the vagaries and pitfalls of partisan politics sabotaged the movement's ability to sustain momentum and to effect further legal and regulatory changes based on the emerging environmental justice framework for the conduct of risk science. These efforts at 'non-reformist reforms' - to borrow a term from Andre Gorz - failed to crystallize even with a progressive group of appointees to the National Environmental Justice Advisory Council (NEJAC). We were interrupted by Bush II.

We learned the lesson of the limits of relying on executive orders the hard way during the two-term Presidency of George W. Bush (2001-2009) when the EPA and other federal agencies were hampered in pursuit of environmental justice goals by an administrative culture of benign neglect. The Bush II administration rationalized its inaction by relying on the empirically unsupported notion that all demographic subgroups are equally affected by toxic wastes, pollution, and other environmental threats. The result was that no special actions were deemed necessary to address the specific problem of environmental racism. 

In the end environmental protection for all Americans suffered but was especially acute and damaging to the already ravaged 'fence-line' communities comprised predominantly of low-income people of color.

The indisputable conclusion of scientific evidence is that people of color and low-income communities have been and continue to suffer disparate impacts from environmental risks and, conversely, unequal access to so-called environmental amenities (clean air and water, safe homes and schools, access to open space for parks and urban gardens, fresh, safe and culturally appropriate foods, etc.). 

But partisan politics too often trump science. GOP administrations are notoriously guilty of dismissing scientific evidence when it fails to support policy objectives which in this case favor corporate interests over the concerns of communities seeking the conjoined objectives of social justice, economic equity, environmental protection and restoration, and ecological democracy.

History of failed EJ legislation

The idea of passing legislation to establish statutory authority to enforce and promote environmental justice precedes by two years Clinton's signing of E.O. 12898 in March of 1994.  The legendary civil rights activist and Congressman, Rep. John Lewis (D-Georgia), introduced legislation in the House for an environmental justice law in 1992. The proposed legislation was entitled, H.R. 2105 -  Environmental Justice Act of 1992, and had 44 co-sponsors.  Al Gore (D-Tennessee) carried the bill in the Senate.

Despite the efforts of Rep. Lewis and his co-sponsors, this act never made it out of committee for a vote on the floor of the Congress. After subcommittee hearings in November 1993, the efforts to bring this important legislation to a vote failed. 

Legislative efforts faded after Clinton signed the Executive Order in March of 1994. One of my Washington, D. C. sources suggests that the Republican take-over of the Senate and House after the 1994 mid-term elections, when Republicans picked up 54 seats in the House and 8 in the Senate, blocked further progress on the legislative front during the entire course of Clinton's two-term Presidency (1993-2001).

In 2005, environmental justice was once again debated on the Hill. The terrain this time was not the introduction of an Environmental Justice Act but rather re-authorization of EPA funding and the debate focused on the so-called Hastings Amendment (named after Rep. Alcee  Hastings, D-Fla). 

The Hastings Amendment simply required that funds spent at the EPA would not contravene the objectives and standards defined under Executive Order 12898. On May 19, 2005, the Hastings Amendment was approved. How this affected EPA environmental justice action and planning within the second term of Bush II is itself a matter of debate.

The efforts for actual EJ legislation resurfaced again in 2007 through the leadership of members of the Black, Hispanic, and Progressive Congressional Caucuses. Before she was nominated and confirmed to serve as Secretary of Labor for President Obama's first cabinet, Rep. Hilda Solis (D-California) introduced a bill entitled H.R. 1103 - Environmental Justice Act of 2007. This time, Rep. Solis managed to organize more than fifty co-sponsors but once again the bill never made it to the floor for a vote. 

As recently as February 2011, Rep. Jessie Jackson Jr. (D-IL) introduced legislation for an amendment to the Constitution of the United States that would essentially establish environmental rights. H.J. Res. 33 would amend the Constitution of the United States by establishing a "right to a clean, safe, and sustainable environment." 

In 2009, for reasons that I have not yet been able to determine, the Congressional Research Service stopped using the term "environmental justice" to allow citizens and concerned persons to track legislation related to this cause.  We must challenge this decision and also re-assert pressure on lawmakers to move forward with EJ legislation during the session of the 113th Congress. 

The prospects for a revival of a legislative initiative to pass an act establishing a federal law of environmental justice will certainly depend on the outcome of the 2012 General Election. We should be working now toward a Progressive shift in the composition of the 113th Congress. This will strengthen the prospects for passage of an environmental justice law during a second Obama term should that come to be. Setting our sights on 2013 for the passage of legislation is realistic and urgent. Perhaps the EJ movement needs its own Wisconsin moment?

Even with the current composition of the 112th Session of Congress, we have an estimated 54 to 60 potential co-sponsors in the House and perhaps 20 willing souls in the Senate. What is the tipping point? The addition of thirty to forty net seats gained over and above all recent losses (2009) in the House by progressive or liberal legislators could create the critical mass required to achieve cloture and bring legislation for a successful vote on the floor. These numbers would not guarantee passage.  

A safe assumption for the U.S. Congress is that reaching a hundred co-sponsors in the House is a safer bet for passage of any given bill. Research on state legislatures suggests that the higher the number of co-sponsors the greater the likelihood of passage of a bill. The study of state legislatures suggests a bill must include about one-third of the sitting legislators as co-sponsors for passage to become more likely. Given this data, EJ activists have a lot of work left to do before we reach a critical mass of sympathetic legislators, even with a swing back to a more progressive political composition in Congress as a result of the 2012 elections.

Possible Elements of an Environmental Justice Act

Ecological democracy means that the government of the people and by the people shall not allow the Earth to perish due to greed and self-centered individualistic irresponsibility. Self-governance and autonomy of communities in working to fulfill the obligation to care for each other and the Earth are mutually interwoven.
Social justice, economic equity, environmental protection and restoration, and ecological democracy are the conjoined principal objectives of the environmental justice movement. Social justice implies that power/knowledge relations are reconfigured in favor of fence-line and other marginalized communities for their exercise of autonomy in determining their economic and environmental fates.

Economic equity implies a massive redistribution of the wealth produced by the multitude through a 99 percent tax rate on the wealthiest .01 percent of our population that controls more than half of all real property assets, dividends, securities, and income. Less than one-one hundredth of one percent controls the wealth we produced, collectively. It is time to take our commonwealth back. The rich owe the poor an ecological debt. It is time to start paying up.

With this re-appropriated commonwealth, civil society can invest in creating the conditions for a paradigm shift from mitigation to prevention of pollution. Even just a decade-long trillion dollar revenue flow from a 99 percent tax on the wealthiest Americans would allow us to fully fund a transition to a real 'green economy' that focuses on detoxification of production processes through the application of the methods and materials of current best practice frontiers in industrial ecology and environmental engineering, especially those based on biomimicry

We can produce electric cars, yes. But we can also maunfacture all the components that go into an electric car without destroying the environment, harming workers' health, or polluting surrounding communities. The technology of industrial ecology is available but the political will to impose this on capitalists is lacking and that will not change without our own Wisconsin moment.

Environmental protection and restoration are not just rights but obligations. Many indigenous cultures see their primary human right as residing in the collective ability to fulfill their obligations to take care of and restore the ecological integrity of the Earth. 

Ecological democracy means that the government of the people and by the people shall not allow the Earth to perish due to greed and self-centered individualistic irresponsibility. Self-governance and autonomy of communities in working to fulfill the obligation to care for each other and the Earth are mutually interwoven.

These are the ethics of environmental justice and they must be reflected in any efforts to establish an environmental justice law for the United States.

An Environmental Justice Act would fulfill the movement's objectives by integrating the following eleven principles :
  1. Not individual rights but collective obligations. The principle that environmental protection is not just an individual right but a collective obligation of human communities to take care of the Earth and each other.
  2. Prevention not mitigation. Environmental protection must be based on prevention rather than mitigation of environmental risks and harms.
  3. No externalities; no discounting. Environmental protection means an end to the neoliberal regime that discounts as externalities damage to public health and ecosystem integrity. There can be no state of exception - no suspension of the rule of law when it comes to environmental protection. Environmental security is the optimum form of national security.
  4. Integrated cumulative risk science. Environmental regulation is based on an integrated cumulative risk science that includes qualitative data and ethnoecological knowledge including recognition of the compounding factors of structural violence and intergenerational historical trauma. This will involve a shift from a system that seeks to attain minimally acceptable risk towards one that privileges the goal of optimum avoidable risk.
  5. Ecological democracy. Environmental regulation and ecosystem management are place and community-based and privilege the social and biological reproduction of human and non-human organisms over all economic prerogatives including the quest for profit.
  6. Sustain the three forms of equity. Environmental justice must encompass and sustain inter-group, inter-species, and inter-generational equity.
  7. Restoration of the commons. Environmental justice requires the restoration of the social and ecological commons against the entrenchment of solely individualistic private property rights. The social ecological welfare of the commons is valued over personal economic gains.
  8. Ecosystem integrity over economic gains. Environmental justice requires an end to the pricing of ecosystems and cultures in a market of tradeable development damage permits. All development must be compatible with local cultural values and ecosystem integrity.
  9. Wealth redistribution for reparations. A progressive tax structure, based on a 99 percent rate for the .01 percent of the wealthiest individuals will be used to repair the damage to environment and develop the science of sustainable industrial ecology to prevent future degradation.
  10. Biomimicry. All production systems must be based on technologies that mimic natural ecosystems and have restorative or regenerative impacts.
  11. Native sovereignty. Environmental justice means all First Nation peoples have sovereignty in their own forms of governance, law, and social organization.
These elements could be integrated into a far-reaching law for environmental justice that values human health and ecosystem integrity and resilience over all other considerations. Such an act would establish a long-term framework not just for addressing the centuries of environmental injustice but the basis for a truly 'green jobs' economic transition based on human solidarity and resilience.

Such an Act would be based on the established Constitutional principle that privileges the protection and securing of the common good and general welfare. The advocates of private property have had their turn and the results have been utter deprivation of the multitude of the people and degradation of the Earth as our life support system. The time for a paradigm shift has arrived: A new environmental justice law would be a critical pivot upon which we can stake our claims to a transition to a just and sustainable solidarity economy and a rejection of the unjust and unsustainable predatory economy that has dominated the planet for the past five hundred years.

The Color of Food

Moderator's Note: In the coming weeks, we will be analyzing the just released and highly important Color of Food study.  For starters, here is one fact about the exploitative sweatshop conditions facing the workforce across all sectors of the food chain. This statistic reveals that we are far from becoming a post-racial society free of discrimination and inequalities:

People of color typically make less than whites working in the food chain. Half of white food workers earn $25,024 a year, while workers of color make $5,675 less than that. This wage gap plays out in all four sectors of the food system—production, processing, distribution and service—with largest income divides occurring in the food processing and distribution sectors. Women working in the food chain draw further penalties in wages, especially women of color. For every dollar a white male worker earns, women of color earn almost half of that.

Monday, February 14, 2011

Student Blog II: In Defense of Schoolyard Gardens for Youth


Moderator's Note: This is the second entry in a series of blogs written by students in my University of Washington courses. I am teaching two courses this Winter 2011 Quarter: Comparative Social Movements: Mexico and the United States and a seminar on Food Sovereignty. The second contribution in the series is from three students in the food sovereignty seminar; I collaborated with the students in the final presentation posted here. The co-authors analyze and critique the conservative critic, Caitlin Flanagan, who published a controversial article in The Atlantic last year that attacks the wisdom of schoolyard gardens. Their blog post makes a persuasive and eloquent case for the educational and community value of schoolyard gardens. Their view emphasizes the significance of gardens as: a means to celebrate and teach diversity; an effective method for engaging students in more meaningful study of math, science, art, and literature; and as a path to acknowledging the indigenous roots of sustainable agriculture and connecting schools and their learning communities to local farmers and food systems. Sabine Parrish wrote Part 1; Tessa James wrote Part 2; and Kalyn Marab wrote Part 3.


Youth Gardening in Schools: A Pathway to Academic Success?

Tessa James, Kalyn Janae Marab, and Sabine Parrish

Part 1- The Garden Listens

Caitlin Flanagan’s 2010 article in The Atlantic, Cultivating Failure,
ridicules the idea that schoolyard gardens can help children in any way become better educated.  Her principal argument is that gardens do not teach students the necessary skill sets to pass the standardized examinations required of most students across the nation.
Here is the essential question we must ask about the school gardens: What evidence do we have that participation in one of these programs—so enthusiastically supported, so uncritically championed—improves a child’s chances of doing well on the state tests that will determine his or her future (especially the all-important high-school exit exam) and passing Algebra I, which is becoming the make-or-break class for California high-school students?
Contrary to this statement, there is growing evidence that gardening cultivates not just crops but young minds. This includes teaching environmental consciousness but gardening can also teach practical and applied lessons in science and math and is an engaging and creative way to explore natural and cultural history.  The question should not be, “Will our students pass these tests?” Instead, we might ask: “Why have we developed a system in which standardized tests determine our children’s future?”

The system we currently have in place is what we should call into question.  Flanagan fears that our children will not be prepared for the “real world,” yet perhaps we should focus on the misguided priorities such a worldview champions? Improving test scores across the board will not prepare every student for college and it will not guarantee every student a well-paying and meaningful job in the future.  Flanagan argues that gardening cannot teach what students need to prepare for state testing. However, this argument, without real evidence, basically assumes that gardening fails as a creative and collaborative learning opportunity for many children and especially those for whom traditional pedagogy may not work.  

Flanagan and others are likely threatened by the school gardening movement because it teaches values and knowledge that are not legitimate within the mainstream American culture and discourse.  Privileging the western/scientific mode of schooling that aims primarily to prepare students for entering the capitalist economy as good workers is just one more way to discount alternative forms of knowledge and learning.  Gardening can show students that there are other ways to learn; ways that might connect some students to more relevant and personally meaningful lessons from traditional subjects like Algebra and the Sciences.  

Students at schoolyard garden at Washington Elementary celebrate Earth Day

Some students may benefit from standardized curricula.  This is why it is important to have multiple avenues of intellectual exploration open to all students at all grade levels so that they may be exposed to the benefits of many disciplines and different pedagogies.  Be it gardening and math, art and science, history and languages, or any other subject, students should have a chance to explore and find what best suits their talents and interests. 

Flanagan’s article is especially critical of gardening education in schools that teach children of farm workers and immigrants.  Her idea is that the parents of these students did not come to this country so their children could be farm workers too, and that these students especially need to focus on an intensive academic curriculum.  However, she overlooks the fact that many of the students whose parents are farmers or farm workers are not immigrants and instead hail from families that have been in the U.S. longer than the U.S. has been a country.

Flanagan claims that school gardening is “a way of bestowing field work and low expectations on a giant population of students who might become troublesome if they actually got an education.”  However, as seen by the rising test scores of many students who participate in gardening programs, gardening and academic success are not mutually exclusive.  

Her statement is also problematic because school gardens are popular in schools in upper-middle class white districts too.  Flanagan does not seem too concerned about white students compromising their test scores by working too much with their hands in the dirt. Seattle’s Queen Anne Elementary, on the notoriously white and wealthy Queen Anne Hill, is starting a garden and has plans for garden-based education.  

Would Flanagan see this as “fieldwork” and “low expectations” or does the meaning and
purpose of school gardening change with the neighborhood?  The article does not address the implications of gardening for wealthier children, potentially leading to the conclusion that she doesn’t find a problem with it.  

Flanagan's double standard is obvious: She appears to support (or at least condone) gardening at schools serving a higher socioeconomic bracket, yet thinks it is a waste of time for immigrant students or anyone whose parents have ever worked in agriculture. She is championing the exclusion of children from innovative educational programs.  Garden-based curriculum might not be your standard academic fare (and if you’re Caitlin Flanagan it might not teach to your mainstream values), but it is still education, something all children have a right to.  Students in Berkeley are entitled to the same standards of education as those in Seattle, and if gardening is one way to teach students important content and process, then it cannot be denied to one group but championed for another.

There were many problems with Flanagan’s article, the logic behind it, and the way she chose to defend her arguments.  One of the most blatant issues is that she did not interview any students that have participated in garden-based learning of science, math, history, and cultural studies.  

Before offering wild conjectures about garden work hurting and disadvantaging these children, why not first talk to them?  Ignoring the children who are being affected by the movement for a schoolyard  garden curriculum takes them out of the discussion. By referring to them in the abstract and through presumably valid and representative statistical data, Flanagan disenfranchises and discounts their views and experiences.  She also denies them the opportunity to build on their own knowledge bases or to benefit from the value of learning how to live in solidarity. She denies them the prospect of community-making through the spirit and ethics of stewardship and collaboration.

It is not uncommon for adults to overlook the thoughts and reactions of children and to not give them much credit, but this article focuses largely on middle and high schoolers.  They have their own thoughts and feelings, and they surely would have something to say about their curriculum and what they think they get from it.  Gardens give children and teenagers a place to actively shape and work with ecology and society.  Gardens teach collaboration and respect for others including the Earth. 

Adults do not always listen to or value the views of the young but a garden does.  A garden reacts positively to anyone who cares for it; to whomever tends it.  For youth, who often have little control over the rest of their lives, a garden is a unique space to begin to understand one’s self and to shape an autotopography.  This sense of space and responsibility is something that isn’t taught in school, and it shamefully won’t be assessed on any exam.   

These values and the special and positive benefits of school gardens they represent are likely to be overlooked by detractors like Flanagan who have a national audience that will listen.  A garden listens to what you plant and how you care for it. As one former school gardener says, “This is a way of giving kids a sense of ownership, a place to stay off the street. It saved me, and it saved a whole bunch of us. It can become so much bigger than just a garden.

Perhaps next time, Flanagan should talk to the kids.  The kids in Berkeley at Martin Luther King Jr. Middle School and those at Queen Anne Elementary in Seattle might have some important and similar things to say.

At present, there is an emerging but limited social scientific literature assessing the benefits of school gardens and how these positively affect student ability, skill, and grades in other courses.  There is an abundance of positive anecdotal evidence, yet very few scientific studies have looked critically at the blossoming school gardening movement.  The few studies that have been conducted do find a positive correlation between gardening and increased achievement in science (Klemmer 2002) and increased interest in eating and identifying vegetables (Ratcliffe et al. 2009; Somerset and Markwell, 2008). Schools involved in the Berkeley/Edible Schoolyard programs have seen a rise in math and science test scores.  

However, without more studies to confirm these benefits, detractors like Flanagan will continue their crusade to delegitimize and remove gardening education across the country by asking questions that pose an artificial divide between a good education and the availability of the unique learning and social opportunities posed by schoolyard gardens.


Schoolyard garden tomatoes

Part 2 - White Privilege and the Politics of Schoolyard Gardens 

While the benefits and joys of teaching urban gardening in schools can be easily embraced by parents, students, and community members, there are opposing viewpoints and also unequal access to the resources needed to establish school gardens. Not every school that wants a garden can get a one established. Some schools are located on landfills or in other contaminated sites that complicate matters.

There are plenty of examples of successful school gardens. For example, take South Portland High School’s school garden. It was started to make use of a greenhouse that had stood as an empty segment of the science wing, and has since flourished into a place in which students are learning to make things grow. Classes are held there, teenagers are learning valuable skills and scientific knowledge applicable to real world work and academic scenarios, and generally beginning to comprehend the value of knowing where food comes from, and knowing that the answer to that question is not, “Um, from the store.” SPHS even received a $750 grant from the Communities Promoting Health Coalition to pay for soil, seed and other supplies.

However, there is one issue with this otherwise empowering and constructive idea; South Portland High School does not appear to be located in a place of need and indeed reeks of ‘white privilege’. The population of South Portland, Maine, is almost entirely white at 97 percent. Over 89 percent of its populace is high school educated or higher. Only 3 percent of its citizens are unemployed.

A garden for South Portland’s children and all it could offer them is a lovely project for any student to be involved in, but those children and their families likely already have access to fresh, organic produce. They probably have grocery stores within walking or driving distance, and they probably have enough money to buy food in those stores, as well as cars to drive to them. The majority of them probably have homes with space to create gardens in their backyards, and perhaps even parents or family members who would be willing and able to help them learn to cultivate the land. These are the children of families that can afford to participate in Community Supported Agriculture (CSAs).

Are these really the kids who most need a grant to start an urban gardening project? A similar
situation is that of several Seattle schools; one being Bagley Elementary in the Green Lake neighborhood of Seattle, which has a school garden, again with a predominantly white middle to upper class student body.

However, there are also excellent examples of agricultural enrichment programs happening for kids in underserved areas and underfunded schools. One of those in the Seattle area is the Concord Elementary program at Marra Farm in South Seattle. Concord’s student body is a mix of highly diverse, primarily Latino students. They are involved in gardening and farming in a variety of ways. 

According to the program site, “With the help of a University of Washington intern, the education program [farming, gardening, cooking, documenting experiences] now includes two 3rd grade classes, two 5th grade classes, two after-school groups from Concord Elementary, age-appropriate field trips for up to 30 children, and a thriving summer program serving 60 children! With continuing support from volunteers, we expect the Children’s program to grow even stronger.”

Alice Waters and students at the "Edible Schoolyard" in Berkeley

Furthermore, there is evidence these kinds of programs can help kids beyond learning how to grow food – they can learn to connect the food they’re growing to the food they’re eating and encourage their families to have healthier dietary habits; they connect real-life scientific scenarios with what they learn in school and are able to experience a tangible interest in science. In the case of the original urban garden-school collaboration of the Edible Schoolyard Project in Berkeley, CA, students involved in gardening and other outdoor education have showed dramatic dramatic improvements in other academic areas:
In another study of a district-wide place-based math and science initiative over a three-year period, the percentage of 4th graders performing at an unsatisfactory level dropped 13.2 percentage points compared to a statewide decrease of 6.5 points. Math scores saw a 14.1 percent point decline in district students with unsatisfactory performance compared with a statewide decline of 3.6 points. Students at these schools were involved in more outdoor experiential, place-relevant learning, including nature trails, gardens, and studies of weather and soil.
On that note, another issue of concern with Flanagan's argument is that she simply assumes that in studying gardening, students will be stripped of their ability to surpass expectations in anything other than manual labor. This is a particularly unsettling aspect of her stance on gardening because it makes an unstated and unsupported assumption about the impact on children with immigrant and farm worker parents: In the opening paragraph, Flanagan patronizingly portrays  the tragicstory of an undocumented immigrant who arrived in the United States and spent his childhood and adult days working on farms. One day in the schoolyard garden, he sees his own U.S.-born daughter in the same position - pulling lettuce under the hot sun. Flanagan wants us to see this as a picture of injustice. As a violation of an undocumented father's values who sees this as a barrier to better prospects for his daughter as an American citizen. He sees the garden as a symbol of his own plight as an undocumented immigrant and wants fair educational opportunities for his daughter.

Flanagan also devalues and misunderstands the nature of farm work - which requires the unity of mind and body, brain and hand, and place and self. Manual labor is not menial labor and farm work always involves a wide range of knowledge, tacit skills, communicative competences, and a willingness and ability to engage with others and to observe, experiment, and adapt to changing agroecological and economic conditions.
 
There are many problems with Flanagan's argument despite its appeal to equality and fair opportunity. First and foremost: Why does teaching gardening have to imply that students, and particularly those who come from immigrant backgrounds, cannot excel in other subjects? While hard data is scarce and is primarily anecdotal, the district-wide results mentioned above demonstrate that Berkeley, California students participating in nature walks, gardening, and other outdoor studies experience a dramatic improvement in science and math performance compared to their indoor-study counterparts. This evidence suggests that schoolyard gardening programs are beneficial to the learning of other school subjects and leads to improved test performance.
 
Time spent outdoors in the garden does not mean time wasted. It is not as if Alice Waters and her proteges are forcibly sending the children of immigrants back into the fields and the world of exploited manual labor that many of their parents have endured. It does not mean failure in Algebra and English and the inability to compete with colleagues who have not spent time outside during class or after-school hours. 

Transferring knowledge and skills gained in the garden to other classes where this is relevant is possible. For example, students can present recipes in English class or calculate the formulas for creating a garden bed in Math class. They can collect samples and analyze the soil composition in a Science class. Obviously, this does not mean that gardening will make those subjects any less effectively taught. Indeed, it may help students to become more wholistic in their learning orientations. It may make learning more enjoyable and applicable to real life, better grounded in place, and hopefully even more fun for these kids, attaching a sentiment to sometimes unpleasant subjects that transforms these into something they can enjoy. 

Flanagan feigns to stand up against school gardens so the children of Latinos can become enlightened and better educated and pass their standardized tests. But this pushes a paternalistic and ethnocentric agenda that assumes children of color, who are already struggling, will suffer from having any time taken away from the grinding study of standardized curricula. Her stated fear is that this will simply boot them back to the Stone Age and miles behind their white counterparts, and that they came to the United States to escape from the poverty and presumed ignorance of their homelands. 

This view assumes that it is only in the American school system, with standardized testing that privileges white middle-class culture and already leaves millions of children of all colors behind, that they can learn to succeed and become prosperous and productive adults. This logic is faulty and it is dangerous. Flanagan proposes that those who have already had the system fail them will agree with her and join an ill-advised campaign that separates the real and imagined horrors of the burdens of agricultural work from public education. 

The truth is that getting all kids to enjoy learning through experience will help them continue their education regardless of racial/ethnic or class background. Flanagan assumes the self-anointed role of the champion of the rights of Latino children, urging them to avoid repeating the hardships faced by their parents. However, she does not even understand the rich cultural legacy of farming and farm work nor does she appear to understand the complete legal and political conditions these children and their families have faced over decades of structural violence and inequality. She fails to consider what it means to teach gardening to students who she instead proposes should actually be taught to devalue who they are and regard their origins with contempt.

All of this goes to show that while urban gardening in any school is a worthwhile and important
endeavor, it can especially provide an extremely valuable service to children in underserved and marginalized communities who may otherwise lack opportunities for wholistic growth on their academic path to adulthood. Schoolyard gardens may also help communities attain local food sovereignty.

Part 3 - Food Sovereignty and Schoolyard Gardens

We believe that those who are opposed to and those who advocate for school gardens are equally motivated by a desire to promote social justice and education. What is interesting is that they are taking opposite approaches. One of Flanagan's main arguments is that children of immigrant farm workers are being re-enslaved to the land through these new programs. She speaks to the parents' attempts to alleviate their children from the burden of laborious, unrewarding farm work in this new movement of gardens in schools that pushes them back to the land-based jobs that have largely oppressed their ancestors.

This argument displays the imbalances in our society as well the socially constructed and misconstrued ideas of oppression, success, and education. The anti-school garden arguments have value in the overall movement of discourse. Rather than responding to these viewpoints by simply denouncing opposing opinions, it is valuable for a constructive discourse to emerge. Marsh Guerrero, the executive director of the Berkeley Edible Schoolyard responded to Caitlin Flanagan's article in a different article entitled “School Gardener's Strike Back.” Her response was, “There are a lot of crackpots who don't understand what we do.” This is too flippant a response for a movement seeking to be taken seriously.

How is Guerrero's reaction helping to foster the movement?  This rhetoric only gives the crackpots [sic] one more reason to rise up and challenge school gardens. How can we take Flanagan's article and make something positive out of it? This is a question we should be addressing. 

School gardens have been established in people of color and low income communities and in middle-to-upper-class predominantly white communities. In these conrtrasting environments, students are facing different issues and these gardens can respond to the specific place-based needs of each place.

Flanagan claims that education with textbooks and standardized testing is helping kids to, “attain... cultural achievements...that have lifted uncounted generations of human beings out of the desperate daily scrabble to wrest sustenance from dirt.” First of all, to discredit the essential human profession of growing our food as a daily scrabble to wrest sustenance is insulting to a number of people and cultures; especially to many of the immigrant families with histories of family farming that she is so valiantly trying to defend.

Flanagan's statement is, unfortunately, a reflection of how many people view farm work in our society. Our country has a collective memory of farm work as slave work. It is misconstrued as a job that requires very little skill or education. If our country had a deeper collective memory it would know that, historically, the cultivation of our food is an honorable and essential profession that ought to be highly regarded. The knowledge of indigenous cultural methods, sustainable practices, and organic farming are seeing a revival in new forms like the Permaculture concept, going off-the-grid, small family organic farms, and urban farms; all of these are gaining popularity.

Recognizing the deep roots of these movements in indigenous methods and practices can teach our country's children a deeper history. Learning about native cultures from American soil and the rest of the world begins with the cultivation of food. This could demonstrate intercultural recognition and the value of social equality can be promoted through something as simple as a school garden.

Beyond cultivating traditions, the botany and agroecology of the food crops and their origins can instill in children a respect for diverse cultural heritages. In turn, this could rework the condescending view towards those who work with the land.

In any given predominantly white community, with very little racial diversity, children can be at risk of internalizing the values of white supremacy, lacking an understanding of the rich diversity that lives beyond their neighborhoods or county lines. 

All youth are at risk of not knowing where their food comes from and this only furthers the current disconnect people have in relation to the cultivation and consumption of food. Changing our food system rests in the hands of current and future generations and the decisions they make about what they value. If we can internalize values of respect for the land, each other, and the people who grow food, how could we not seize that opportunity?
You cannot continue to allow your appreciation of the earth to be handicapped or imprisoned by the memory of how you were treated because this will continue to give birth to generations that have disdain for the earth.

Reverend Robert Jeffrey
In racially diverse or low-income communities there can be an even deeper connection between the cultivation of food and the ability for all children to connect with their personal cultural heritage. Immigrants often cannot educate their own children on native farming practices. The capitalist economy places overwhelming pressure on the working class so they may not feel they are of value anymore. Is this not a threat to preserving our cultural diversity and diverse national history while restoring our capacity for economic solidarity and autonomy? 

Mentoring children at the Clean Greens Farm outside Seattle

A common and unfortunate view is that farm work is slave work and is oppressive. School gardens, as I have discussed, can help us move away from this mindset. In Seattle an organization called “Clean Greens Farm” is addressing this issue. Clean Greens is an organization started by three predominantly African American churches in the Central District. They partnered with local farmers on a piece of land in Duvall, northeast of Seattle. Reverend Robert Jeffrey, who was one of the organizers of this project, has an inspiring and insightful set of messages in a short film about Clean Greens.

Reverend Robert Jeffrey says that prior to his experience with the Clean Greens project, “his sense of community was very racially driven, it was about helping African American people.” He admits that “it was very contextual, very narrow; this experience has opened my eyes to the universality of benevolence and how much people care.”

The Reverend sees Clean Greens as more than just a farming project. He believes that “Finding common ground, in things that we can do together…[is] a historical problem in our community. A large part of the people have [sic] a collective memory of their ancestors in the south, and the horrors that they faced. Unfortunately that memory is tied to the land.”

He goes on to share his views that, “...you cannot continue to allow your appreciation of the earth to be handicapped or imprisoned by the memory of how you were treated because this will continue to give birth to generations that have disdain for the earth.” He challenges the inner city African American community to address this psychological mindset, because the earth is not the enemy, it is the answer.

Can this common ground of coming to the land to cultivate food break down our racially and socially segregated society? It has already started to do so in small but significant ways. This will only spread and is part of the birth of a major social movement unfolding right before our eyes.

There will always be critics. But it is how those critiques are handled and received that will keep us from finding yet another thing to disagree upon and another reason for our society to justify continued segregation and social class inequalities.  This view was not likely the intent of Flanagan's article but in the end it does display a perversion of values in American culture. Addressing these values of farm work, racial equality, and collective memory are essential to moving forward with school gardens as a united whole, as a human race. 

Additional Online Resources

     ·         http://www.cleangreensfarm.com/ - the short video on the site is great!

     ·         http://www.seattleschild.com/article/a-food-revolution-in-seattle-schools